‘Jewels of Transcendence: Himalayan and Mongolian Treasures’

Humanity has long viewed material treasures as evidence of spiritual riches—just as the earthly powers of the political elite have been (and in many regions continue to be) considered divine. Works from the Mengdiexuan and Chengxuntang collections, on view in the upcoming exhibition ‘Jewels of Transcendence: Himalayan and Mongolian Treasures’ at the Art Museum of the Institute of Chinese Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong (30 September 2018–24 February 2019) and illustrated in the related catalogue, embody this statement in a variety of ways.

Edited by the exhibition’s curator, Art Museum associate director Xu Xiaodong, the three-volume catalogue will include over 320 works, with scholarly essays from a number of contributors. The exhibition, showcasing approximately 150 items of jewellery and metalwork from the two collections, will feature two tiers of organization, the first according to region, with Bhutan, Mongolia, Nepal and Tibet each represented, and the second according to the artworks’ function within each region.

While both the publication and exhibition employ historical photographs from the Newark Museum’s collection to better illustrate the usage of many of the items, it is important to note that certain pieces may have had multiple functions. The works are remarkably diverse—not only across different regions, but also within a given region. Through several short case studies, this article will discuss some of the similarities between these artworks, as well as the counterpoints, contrasting their unifying aspects with those that differentiate them.

Fig. 1 Child and woman wearing head and breast ornaments with butterfly motifs,
Ordos(?), Inner Mongolia, before 1923
Gelatin silver print on paper, 12.7 x 10.16 cm
Newark Museum Archives
Gift of L. H. Dudley Buxton, 1923 (no. 7318)

The first unifier is the materials used—all the works feature precious and semi-precious metals and gemstones. The second unifier is the quality of the metal- and lapidary work. The final overarching unifier is a mostly shared visual vocabulary of auspicious imagery originating from two different sources—South and East Asia. These visual traditions converged in the Himalayan and Mongolian regions (both crossroads of international trade), where they were transformed into their own respective, constantly evolving traditions.

Vibrant oral histories that relate complex epic narratives, biographical legends and meaningful parables in the Brahmanical (Hindu) and Buddhist religions existed centuries before we find surviving artworks from these traditions. When, in the 2nd century, existing images of deities and teachers for both pantheons appeared, they were rendered with a great deal of common visual vocabulary. Lotuses represent purity (see Figs 2, 3 and 5). Snake-people known as naga or nagini are guardians of subterranean riches. Flying vidyadhara (lit., ‘knowledge-bearers’) holding garlands signify the bestowal of wisdom, while yogic and martial postures emulate desired mental and physical states (see Figs 7 and 9). These are just a few examples of shared auspicious motifs. As Buddhism was disseminated from South Asia throughout Central and East Asia, this Brahmanical–Buddhist imagery travelled with it. Visual vocabulary originating in prehistoric Chinese traditions also moved with trade goods and tribute north and west and was embraced in the arts of neighbouring regions. In this way, many auspicious images common to Chinese art permeated the decorative traditions of the Himalayas and Mongolia. Butterflies (Fig. 1) and bats signify good fortune. Dragons are guardians of celestial riches (see Figs 2 and 10). Peonies, punch-marked coins, and gold and silver ingots symbolize wealth (see Fig. 10).

This confluence of visual traditions is demonstrated in a pair of ewers from Tibet, the subject of the first case study (Fig. 2). Both feature a spout with a makara (a mythical elephantine crocodile) and a dragon handle. These fantastic animals are both affiliated with water, but the makara originates in South Asia and the dragon in East Asia. The images displayed on the sides show an additional complementary visual heritage. One side depicts the ‘four harmonious friends’: the elephant, monkey, rabbit and bird, depicted here stacked upon each other next to a tree. This grouping references a morality tale that may well predate Buddhism, but is included in the Buddhist canon to describe the importance and mutual benefits of cooperation and respect (working together with different strengths to plant seeds that bear fruit, which can be harvested). The other side features the ‘six symbols of longevity’—the old man, deer, crane, pine tree, water and rocks—which are resonant with Daoist imagery originating in East Asia, with a Buddhist overlay. The three pine cones prominently displayed within each pine branch reference the Triple Gem of Buddhism: the historical Buddha, the Dharma (Buddhist teachings) and the sangha (Buddhist community). The vegetal-bud finial and open lotus-flower foot of each ewer underscore potential abundance, as well as symbolizing the purity of its contents.

Oversized vessels of this type showcase the wealth of their owners, particularly when used for banquets. The pair in the Mengdiexuan Collection is nearly identical to a pair in the Newark Museum (2006.23.1-2). Accession records reveal that the Newark ewers were commissioned in Lhasa around 1957 to commemorate the passing of the Geshe examinations by His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama (b. 1935) (the Geshe degree is roughly equivalent to receiving a doctoral degree). Clearly, producing luxury vessels of this type also marks significant cultural moments beyond pedestrian conspicuous consumption.

A pair of Bhutanese koma, or fibula pins, from the Chengxuntang Collection is the focus of the second case study (Fig. 3). These silver pins each feature the eight auspicious symbols: lotus, wheel, vase, paired fish, victory banner, parasol, conch shell and endless knot within an eight-petalled lotus (which is also the form of a mandala) inset with turquoise and accented with gold. The squared eight-petalled lotus is found in many Buddhist and Brahmanical images, as are the eight auspicious symbols. However, their form as paired pins was traditionally unique to Bhutanese women of the Ngalop ethnic group, who use two shoulder pins to fasten their dresses (Bh. kira). Now adopted as an element of national dress, these koma are an example of the regional or nationalistic use of jewellery and dress.

Even within today’s nationally distinct regions there remains great diversity in jewellery and costume styles, both within the same gender as well as between genders. A photograph by Das Studio portrays seven women each wearing jewellery and clothing specific to different regions, such as Kongpo, Kham, Amdo, Ü and Tsang (Fig. 4). The exhibition and catalogue feature many of the types of jewellery shown in this photograph—including the elaborate metal belts worn by the women of Kongpo (far left), different styles of gau thub zhi (the necklaces with amulet boxes worn by five of the women), tinder pouches and chatelaines (centre), hair ornaments (centre and centre left) and yar then (sashes; two at far right), rings and bracelets. As is clear from this image, one role that jewellery plays is to prominently showcase regional affiliations.

Fig. 4 Portrait of women of different Tibetan regions,
Darjeeling, India, 1927–50
By Das Studio (est. 1927)
Gelatin silver print on paper, 11.5 x 15 cm
Newark Museum
Gift of Bruce Walker, 2000 (2000.36.2.50)

Another example of regional affiliation—distinguished by gender and function—is the Tibetan men’s ringyen (‘ancient ornaments’) traditionally worn for the ‘King’s New Year’ day as part of the Tibetan New Year (Losar) festivals celebrated in Lhasa (Fig. 5). As is typical of such ornaments, both examples here are adorned with a kirtimukha (‘face of glory’) and variously orientated lotuses—all inset with turquoise. Beginning in the 17th century, the Great Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–82) established the multi-day celebration of Losar to unite the respective temporal and spiritual powers under the auspices of a ‘King’s New Year’ (Gyalpo Losar), the day after the ‘Lama New Year’ (Lama Losar, the first day of Losar). As part of the celebrations, regal jewellery and costume (T. gyaluche) that paid homage to the ancient jewels of the Dharmaraja or religious kings period (7th–9th century) were distributed from the Potala’s treasury to be worn by selected officials.

Similar examples to these two ornaments may be seen in the photograph in Figure 6—one at the rim of D. N. Tsarong’s hat, and two more hanging as counterweights to each other around J. Taring’s neck. Dadul Namgyal Tsarong (1920–2011) first began work for the Tibetan government in 1940. Jigme Taring (1912–?) was his brother-in-law. Both the Mengdiexuan and Chengxuntang collections have examples of these more unusual works. As Jane Casey has noted, these items may also have been used as donated adornment for statues or stupas (Casey Singer, 1996, pp. 14, 26–27, 30–31 and 38–39).

While the majority of the items discussed thus far were (and are) used by practitioners of forms of Buddhism, many of the Nepalese items showcased in the publication and exhibition reveal imagery and a function related to Brahmanism—particularly as practised by the Newar ethnic group of Nepal. Examples are tikma, a type of ceremonial necklace comprised of linked metal panels with stone or glass pendants attached like a fringe from the outer side of the panels (Figs 7 and 8), kantha (alternative spelling konda; a status necklace comprised of gold lacquered knobbed or fluted beads spaced with red felt discs; see Fig. 8) and a gem-studded narrative panel (Fig. 9).

The tikma in Figure 7 is notable for the complexity and individuality of the iconography, which features Brahmanical deities rather than the usual flora and fauna motifs. The detailed gold work of the tikma is first created in pierced repoussé with incised details, and then mercury gilded. A depiction of a wish-granting vase (Skt kalpa-kalasha) topped with a red stone adorns the clasp. The two end panels each display flying winged vidyadhara, while the other, trapezoidal panels each frame a four-armed deity standing on a lotus. Ganesha, remover of obstacles, god of knowledge and protector of food stock is often invoked at the beginning of any venture. In this necklace he is depicted near the centre, and around him are Maheshvari, Brahmani, Vaishnavi, Mahalakshmi, Kaumari, Indrani, Chamunda/Mahakali and Varahi—a group collectively known as the Ashtamatrika, or ‘eight mothers’. Two additional goddesses are also featured, perhaps representing particular Newar goddesses in forms less well known to outsiders. The majority of the deities are shown holding skull cups at their chests and making the distinctive blood-flicking gesture (Skt bindu mudra) associated with Durga. This gesture and their dance postures also suggest a possible connection with the Nava Durga (‘nine forms of Durga’), who are particularly revered during the late spring festival Nava Durga Jatra in Panauti, Nepal.

Tikma might be worn by both genders for a variety of special occasions. Young Newar girls often wear tikma for their ihi ceremony (ritual marriage to the god Vishnu). Young Newar boys might wear tikma for ritual celebrations such as the annual Krishna Janmashtami, celebrating Krishna’s birth. Women who have achieved the auspicious age of 77 years, 7 months and 7 days might also don this necklace as part of the (Skt) Bhima Ratha or (N.) Jya Jhanko ritual, which honours women and men who exceed this age and thus are believed to have passage to the land of the gods. Finally, tikma may also temporarily adorn revered sculptures of deities.

Just as some jewellery featured in the exhibition and publication was intended to adorn statuary, other items were made to embellish ritual spaces. This is the case for the gem-studded panel featuring a dynamic battle scene in Figure 9. Both the subject-matter and its execution are distinct to the Newar people of Nepal in the 19th century. The key to identifying this narrative is the central disembodied head of the Newar god Hatha Dya carved in rock crystal with two inset reddish stone eyes. As Gautama V. Vajracharya has written, Newars worship Hatha Dya (also known as Hathu Dya and Aju Dya) as an ancestor and as a deity of the sky (Vajracharya, 2016, pp. 156–57).

Fig. 6 J. Taring (left) wearing *gyaluche* (regal jewellery and costume) and D. N. Tsarong (right) wearing *ringyen* (‘ancient ornaments’), Lhasa, Tibet, c. 1940
Gelatin silver print on paper, 25.5 x 21 cm
Newark Museum Archives
Gift of D. N. Tsarong, 1980 (80.288)

This particular battle scene illustrates Hatha Dya in his incarnation as a human, King Elam (also called Elambar), who ruled the Kirata people in the Kathmandu valley during the period when the great battle of Kurukshetra took place, as told through the longest of the world’s epics, the Mahabharata. According to the Newar version, King Elam assumed his divine form of Hatha Dya to enjoy viewing the battle. In the top centre, the red-skinned deity Indra brandishes his thunderbolt, flanked by two pairs of male and female vidyadhara. The two large war chariots are slightly different from each other, and each supports three archers with arrows drawn in their bows. The bows were fashioned separately and inserted later (one bow was inserted backwards). The blue hue of the largest archer on the right suggests he is Krishna. The stone colours are purposefully differentiated between the archers, as are small details in their dress. Even the elephants that pull the chariots are individualized—the one on the right is a tusker, while the one on the left is without tusks but has a ridged back. The background of the central scene is densely layered with floral scrolls inset with a wide variety of carved and faceted semi-precious stones, signifying the sacred space of this divine altercation. The blue-skinned Krishna is the charioteer and counsellor for the epic’s hero, Arjuna.

In the Newar story Krishna, understanding that Hatha Dya was a potential troublemaker, decapitated him with such superhuman force that his head flew up from the Kurukshetra battlefield and travelled hundreds of miles north to land in Indrachok in Kathmandu, Nepal. The Newars believe that Indrachok is the site of a former river confluence where someone recognized Hatha Dya’s head floating, and rescued and enshrined it. Given the specificity of the story in relation to Indrachok, this panel may have been commissioned to adorn a space in or near Indrachok or for a wealthy Newar family’s private shrine with connections to Indrachok.

The final item to be studied here is a style of necklace called toh in Newari, which resembles a rigid torc but is hinged (Fig. 10). This style of necklace became popular in the later Shah period (1768–2008) and was worn by both girls and boys during childhood initiation rituals.

Paired confronted dragons share a metal wish-granting pearl—here represented by a large gold dome inset with an actual pearl. The two smaller dragons are fashioned entirely from metal repoussé with a mercury-gilded finish, revealing details of scales, claws, clouds, long ears, wide, flat snouts and bulging eyes. Two lotus-bud finials ornament the ends of the necklace. The two larger dragons have metal repoussé heads, but their bodies are inset with stones and coloured enamelwork in two bands. The inner band features symmetrically spaced lapis lazuli, malachite and coral. Stylized vajra-form silver clouds serve as spacers between the stones. The pale blue enamel in the outer band accents flower petals and adorns images of silver ingots, crossed gems, ivory and rhinoceros horn. The colour of the enamel and the style of the auspicious imagery suggest the enamelwork on this necklace was probably made by itinerant Chinese jewellers. A Khalka woman’s tiara in the Newark Museum features similar enamelwork that is signed in Chinese ‘Long Qing Xiang’ (29.131-A-E). Interestingly, the use of malachite—a luxury import to Nepal, Tibet and China as well as greater south Asia—suggests potential trade with Russia (Russia discovered large quantities in the Ural mountains in the late 17th century and was the nearest supplier) or even regions further afield.

These short case studies only hint at the depth and breadth of information encapsulated in these treasures. Fortunately, both the exhibition and catalogue provide greater opportunities for exploration and understanding.

Katherine Anne Paul is curator of the Arts of Asia at the Newark Museum.

Selected bibliography

Jane Casey Singer, Gold Jewelry from Tibet and Nepal, London, 1996.

John Clarke, Jewellery of Tibet and the Himalayas, London, 2004.

Hannelore Gabriel, Jewelry of Nepal, London, 1999.

Madhuvanti Ghose, Vanishing Beauty: Asian Jewelry and Ritual Objects from the Barbara and David Kipper Collection, exh. cat., The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, 2016.

Hugh Richardson, Ceremonies of the Lhasa Year (Michael Aris, ed.), London, 1993.

Oppi Untracht, Traditional Jewelry of India, New York, 1997.

Gautama V. Vajracharya , Nepalese Seasons: Rain and Ritual (Neil Liebman and Laura Wein, eds), exh. cat., The Rubin Museum of Art, New York, 2016.

Anne Vergati, Gods, Men and Territory: Society and Culture in Kathmandu Valley, New Delhi, 2002.

Xu Xiaodong, ed., Jewels of Transcendence: Himalayan and Mongolian Treasures, exh. cat., The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, forthcoming (2018).

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