Encountering the Majestic: Imperial Portraits and Qing Court Rites

The contemporary museum world today is witness to a divergence of curatorial practice. The most commonly seen curatorial approach largely focuses on the appreciation of objects and their development over the course of history, while the other takes a more holistic research-and-story-driven approach to foreground the study of a specific theme or work of art. The latter approach provides more space for creativity and innovation in curation and has allowed museum professionals to shed new light on many important objects, including the ‘Gayer-Anderson Cat’ at the British Museum in 2007, the ‘Courtauld wallet’ at the Courtauld Gallery in 2014, and the ‘Chigusa’ tea jar at the Freer|Sackler Galleries in 2014, to name a few.

For the July 2022 opening of the Hong Kong Palace Museum (HKPM), an unprecedented number of over 900 precious treasures were loaned from the Palace Museum for display in the opening exhibitions. While some of these treasures have never been exhibited before, many have been widely presented in past exhibitions. It therefore became both a challenge and an opportunity for curators to find new and innovative ways to represent and reinterpret them. Take, for example, the portraits of emperors and empresses. The public has long been acquainted with these works from their frequent appearances in media, but often it is due to this assumed familiarity that many tend to overlook their deeper meanings and functions. In fact, these imperial portraits convey fascinating information far beyond the figures’ likeness that is worthy of more in-depth exploration.

The imperial portraiture is the main theme of one of nine inaugural exhibitions at the HKPM. The show, titled ‘Encountering the Majestic: Portraits of Qing Emperors and Empresses’, brings together imperial ancestor portraits and sketches and takes the innovative curatorial approach of focusing on a single type of portraiture to decode and decipher it from multiple perspectives. Through close examination of these works, the exhibition reveals why, when, and how these portraits were commissioned, their evolution through the Qing dynasty (1644–1911), the meanings and symbolism they embody, their function in ancestral rites, and how recent conservation work is preserving them for future generations. This singular curatorial approach aimed to break fresh ground in the research of imperial portraiture. 

I, personally, instructed those who specialize in painting to paint mindfully and with care.

The portrait they completed was respectful and dignified.

— The Yongzheng Emperor (r. 1723–35)

Fig. 1 Left to right: Xiaosheng empress, Yongzheng emperor, and Xiaojing empress in court attire
China; Qianlong period (1736–95), 1750–77 
Hanging scrolls, ink and colour on silk; various dimensions 
Palace Museum, Beijing (Gu6455, Gu6431, Gu6450)

The upper classes of ancient Chinese society commissioned many different types of portraits, some for documentation and entertainment, and others for ritual and worship. Portraits produced specifically for ancestor worship were commonly referred to as ancestor portraits (Stuart and Rawski, 2001, pp. 117–41). During the Qing dynasty, ancestor portraits of the ruling family vividly captured the subjects’ appearance and were powerful ritual objects used and hung in designated ancestral halls. They were always commissioned posthumously by the reigning emperor, and were referred to as ‘sacred likenesses’ (shengrong) or ‘imperial likenesses’ (yurong) in the Qing archival documents (Xu, 2015). In these portraits, the figures are seated on thrones decorated with dragons and phoenixes and wear elaborate court attire as they gaze solemnly ahead at their intended viewers—ruling emperors and imperial descendants.

Court painters who were tasked with completing an imperial portrait followed strict painting conventions. The subject’s face was often drawn based on memory, or from portraits produced during their lifetime, while clothing, accessories, throne, and carpet were created by consulting existing ancestor portraits and costume codes contemporary to the subject’s period. Subjects were portrayed nearing the end of their life, recording their final appearance before they departed the living world. In the ancestor portraits, both the Yongzheng emperor and his consort, the Xiaojing empress (1681–1731), were portrayed with faces typical of people in their mid-fifties—around the time of their passing—slightly plump and wrinkled; the Xiaosheng empress (1692–1777), the longest living empress dowager of the Qing dynasty, who lived to age 86, was depicted with gaunt, slightly sunken cheeks and deep wrinkles around her eyes, nose, and mouth (Fig. 1). Reigning in the late period of the dynasty, the Tongzhi emperor (r. 1861–75) and Xiaozhe empress (1854–75), who died in their early twenties, bear a youthful countenance in the portraits (Fig. 2). These works not only tell the stories of the sitters’ lives and historical events, but also represent the characteristic air of the different eras.

Fig. 2 Left to right: Tongzhi emperor and Xiaozhe empress in court attire 
China; Guangxu period (1875–1908), 1875 
Hanging scrolls, ink and colour on silk; various dimensions 
Palace Museum, Beijing (Gu6604, Gu6614)

Our distance from the past weakens our understanding of a world now lost. Since antiquity, it has always been the most exquisite of treasures that were preserved and handed down—but more often than not, it is the inconspicuous pieces that unveil surprising finds in history, such as the sketches of these imperial portraits also on view in the exhibition.

Qing court painters followed complicated production procedures when producing an imperial portrait. An auspicious painting day was usually selected by the Imperial Astronomical Bureau (Qintianjian) before the court painter could start painting. When that day arrived, the court painter would submit a sketch for the emperor’s approval before officially painting the final portrait. Sketches of imperial portraits were often referred to as ‘painting samples’ (huayang), ‘draft sketches’ (gaoben), or ‘powder versions’ (fenben) and were carried out with the baimiao (fine-line) painting technique, which uses only ink to delineate the likeness of the subjects. Today, although only a few sketches survive (Nie, 2004), they nonetheless provide valuable insights into the complex painting procedure of a court painter, from beginning to end.

Two recently discovered sketches of the Xiaoqin empress (empress dowager Cixi) (1835–1908) and the Xiaozhe empress have been carefully repaired by conservators from the Palace Museum and are on public display for the first time in this exhibition (Wang, 2018, pp. 100–102). During conservation, they were treated and then reinforced with Xuan paper. The treatment undertaken not only revealed the original format of the Xiaoqin and Xiaozhe sketches, made, respectively, of two pieces of Xuan paper and seven sheets of long-fibre paper (Fig. 3), but also drew our attention to the carefully marked notes left behind by the court painter. The markings ‘you’, ‘zhu’, ‘gong’, ‘liu’, ‘zi’, written in Chinese characters, indicated the supposed colour of each area. Each serves as a homophonic code representing a specific colour for easy remembrance and unified identification (Fig. 4). These colour codes are universal throughout the traditional painting industry and are still widely used today. 

Green (youlü) —— you 由

Indigo (huaqing) —— zhu 主

Red (hong) —— gong 工

Malachite Green (shilü) —— liu 六

Purple (zi) —— zi 子 

Fig. 3 Sketch before conservation of the Xiaozhe empress in court attire
China; Guangxu period (1875–1908), 1875
Ink on paper
Palace Museum, Beijing (Shu3389)

Fig. 4 Details of the sketch and portrait of the Xiaozhe empress in Figures 2 and 3, showing colour codes and final colours

When comparing these two sketches against the completed ancestor portraits, we learn crucial information about the imperial portrait-making process from experimentation to perfection. These preparatory sketches, if made into paintings, would have been very close—not exactly similar—to the final portraits that exist today, with little to minor differences in colour (Fig. 5).

The clothing and headdresses of every era have their own unique form and character. Like the ritual hat of the Xia and the imperial crown of the Yin [Shang], never were their styles ever brought forth to the subsequent empires. 

— The Qianlong Emperor (r. 1736–95) 

Imperial ancestor portraits, apart from displaying the appearances of emperors and empresses, embodied many symbolisms that reflect the art, history, and culture of the Qing court. The most symbolic element in the portraits was the court attire worn by the imperial subjects. It represented the cultural pluralism of the Qing Manchurian ruling family, who oversaw an empire of largely Han Chinese. The tapered sleeves, horse-hoof-shaped cuffs, cape-like collar, and prolific use of animal fur were all inherited from the traditional Manchu costume, while the colours and appropriated motifs used were rooted in the traditions of early dynastic China; thus employed, they represented the supreme status and imperial power of the wearer.

After emperor Gaozu (r. 618–26) of the Tang dynasty (618–907) issued an edict that prohibited commoners from wearing yellow, it became the exclusive colour of the imperial family. And in the Qing dynasty, only top members of the imperial family—the emperor, empress dowager, empress, and imperial noble consorts—were allowed to wear it. The colour’s importance also resulted from the traditional Chinese concept of the ‘five elements’, in which yellow earth takes the central position among the elements of metal, wood, earth, water, and fire, representing the centrality of imperial power.

Fig. 5 Sketch of the Xiaozhe empress at 80 per cent transparency overlapped with the final portrait
(Graphic by Lyu Zhichao, images courtesy of the Palace Museum, Beijing)

The dragon symbols on the emperor’s costume presented the emperor as a supreme and authoritative political figure, while on the empress’s, reflected her important position as a maternal symbol for the nation. Chinese dragons, known as loong to distinguish from those in other civilizations, are mythical creatures with the ability to ascend to the heavens and walk the earth. The dragon was also the incarnation of the emperor and was used as an imperial symbol to represent him as ‘the True Dragon, the Son of Heaven’.

The twelve imperial symbols on the court robe symbolize the emperor’s power and virtue; they are the sun, moon, constellation, mountain, pair of ascending and descending dragons, pheasant, pair of sacrificial vessels, waterweed, fire, grain, axe, and a double-bow design (fu). Located at the bottom hem of the court robe is a pattern called ‘Eight Treasures and Level Waters’ (babao pingshui), which features eight treasures, mountains, and waves. The eight treasures were selected from a group of ‘assorted treasures’ (zabao), which often consisted of a flaming pearl, chime, rhinoceros horn, coin, ruyi sceptre, coral, and handscroll. Together, they represent the blessings of peace and auspiciousness and the eternal stability and unification of all lands.

The decorative repertoire used in imperial ancestor portraiture evolved throughout the Qing dynasty. The development of emperor portraits can be divided into three phases: before and during the Shunzhi period (1644–61), the Kangxi (1662–1722) and Yongzheng periods, and the Qianlong period onwards. In the first phase, the first three emperors were dressed in a relatively simpler style—in a summer court hat and a bright yellow court robe with blue sleeves and collar, embroidered with eight roundels containing a dragon each. In the Kangxi and Yongzheng periods, the decoration on costumes became more complicated. Patterns such as front-facing dragons, moving dragons, coloured clouds, assorted treasures, mountains, and waves were added to the decorative repertoire (Fig. 1). From the Qianlong period onwards, emperors were further adorned with patterns of twelve imperial symbols, emblems of the eight Daoist immortals (an baxian), and babao pingshui (Fig. 2). The complete set of twelve imperial symbols—the most famous pattern known in the Qing court robe today—only appeared in the mid-Qianlong period after the completion of the Huangchao liqi tushi (Illustrated Regulations for Ceremonial Paraphernalia of the Qing Dynasty) (Yunlu et al., 1759, vol. 4, pp. 7–12). The sleeves on the lower arm of the court robe were also changed to bright yellow, and the outfit was completed with a necklace made of Eastern pearls exclusive to the imperial court.

Fig. 6 Court vest of empress dowagers and empresses as shown in the Huangchao liqi tu (Leng Jian et al., Beijing)
probably from the mid-Qianlong period

Portraits of the empresses, on the other hand, can be separated into two stages: pre-Qianlong and after. Before the Qianlong period, empresses wore summer court attire featuring the summer court hat, court skirt, bright yellow court robe, and blue court vest (Zhang, 2004, pp. 67–69) embroidered with a front-facing dragon, standing dragons, five-coloured clouds, and the babao pingshui pattern, and completed with a set of three court necklaces (Fig. 1). From the Qianlong period, empresses were dressed in full winter court regalia, with the addition of fur lining under their court robes and court skirts. (Fig. 2) The colour of the sleeves and collar of the court robe and the court vest was changed to azure blue. The front-facing dragon on the court vest was removed, and a long line of symbols modelled after the Chinese character shou, which means longevity, was added on the hem and lapel. Following the completion of  the Huangchao liqi tushi in the mid-Qianlong period, the ceremonial sash (caishui) that hangs from the second button of the court vest was changed to a green colour, with a motif pattern called wugu fengdeng to represent the blessing of abundant harvest and harmony. Apart from some differences in the court vest, this outfit generally followed regulations outlined in the Huangchao liqi tu (Fig. 6).

All aspects of Qing imperial ancestor portraiture, from the painting procedure, to the decorative repertoire, to the selection of colours, were meticulously planned and chosen to reflect the supremacy and utmost power of the imperial family.

Emplacing sacred portraits and spirit tablets is a convention of the Song dynasty, while the enshrinement of clothing and headdresses follows that of the Han dynasty.

— The Qianlong Emperor

Since ancient times, image halls (yingtang) for enshrining and worshipping ancestor portraits have been used in China to commemorate the deceased, glorify family lineages, and demonstrate filial piety. Image halls of the imperial household, articulating the order of imperial succession and the status of the subjects, played an essential role in the state system of ‘ritual propriety’ (li). The Qing household did not establish an official imperial image hall in the early years of their reign. Although the Yongzheng emperor enshrined the portraits of his father, the Kangxi emperor (r. 1662–1722), at the Hall of Imperial Longevity (Shouhuangdian) and the Temple of Grace and Blessings (Enyousi), he did not worship the portraits of Qing emperors prior to Kangxi.

Fig. 7 Interior of the Hall of Imperial Longevity, on or before 1929
(After Gugong Zhoukan 21 [1930], p. 4)

It was not until 1749–50 of the Qianlong period that the Hall of Imperial Longevity, dated back to the Wanli period (1573–1620) of the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), was demolished and then relocated and rebuilt on the capital’s central axis (Zhou et al., 2020). The reconstructed hall was modelled after the Imperial Ancestral Temple (Taimiao) and boasted a nine-bay width structure, a double-eave hipped roof, and beam frameworks decorated with golden-dragon Hexi coatings (a set of decorative motifs applied to the beams of Qing imperial architecture at the highest rank). This design elevated its status to be converted into the principal image hall used to enshrine portraits of the Qing imperial ancestors.

Every year, from the eve of the Lunar New Year period to its second day, portraits of deceased emperors and empresses were hung within three-panel screens for annual ancestral rites held at the Hall of Imperial Longevity (Stuart and Rawski, 2001, pp. 45–46) (Fig. 7). All ancestor portraits were mounted in the traditional hanging scroll format, but their installation on the screens required a special mounting method. Some mounting elements found in ordinary hanging scrolls, including the upper inner wrapping (tiantou), the border silk (geshui), and the decorative ribbons (jingyan), were omitted to focus on the painting proper. The lower inner wrapping (ditou) was also much shorter than usual. Only two, rather than four, copper eyelets and a shorter tying ribbon were fixed on the hanging stave for a better fit with the screen.

The arrangement of the three-panel screens in the hall followed a system known as zhaomu, in which the centre was regarded as the first and most important position, followed by its immediate left and right (then the next left and right, and so on). All screens were arranged according to the line of Qing succession, beginning with the most senior patriarch, Nurhaci (r. 1616–26). Within any given three-panel screen, the emperor’s portrait occupied the middle panel, with his primary empress to his left and the birth mother of the subsequent emperor to his right (Li, 2017, pp. 39–40). There were exceptions to this rule, however. For example, some empresses from early in the dynasty were omitted and left as vacant panels (see Figs 8–9).

Fig. 8 Chart indicating the placement of screens and portraits in the Hall of Imperial Longevity for the Lunar New Year ancestral rite during the Guangxu period (1875–1908)
(Redrawn by Sonjia Yu, Hong Kong Palace Museum, after Kungang et al., eds, Qinding da Qing huidian tu: Guangxu chao, Beijing, 1899, vol. 9, pp. 27b–28a)

Fig. 9 Qing imperial lineage of Lunar New Year portrait worship during the Guangxu period  (1875–1908)
(Content by Yang Xu and graphic design by Sonjia Yu, Hong Kong Palace Museum)

Using digital technology and historical archival research, the architecture of the Hall of Imperial Longevity and the Lunar New Year ancestral rite during which these portraits were venerated will be reconstructed, for the very first time, in this exhibition. Watching it from a large panoramic projection, the audience will feel transported back in time to the first day of the Lunar New Year in 1892, where they will witness the ancestral ritual as performed by the Guangxu emperor (r. 1875–1908) (Fig. 10).

On the first day of the Lunar New Year in 1892, a remarkable snowfall falls on the imperial city from the early hours of the night. As dawn breaks, courtiers make their way into the Forbidden City, as if dancing in the falling snow, to congratulate the Guangxu emperor (r. 1875–1908) on a new, prosperous year ahead. After receiving their congratulations, Guangxu sets out for the Hall of Imperial Longevity at Prospect Hill to attend the Lunar New Year ancestral rite. Ancestor portraits, musical instruments, and ritual offerings are laid out in anticipation of his arrival. As ceremonial music plays, he performs the grand kowtow in front of his ancestors, and offers them incense according to the order of Qing succession
(Weng, 2012, vol. 6, p. 2541; Kungang et al., 1899, vol. 1180).

Choosing to feature a specific type of portraiture with a limited number of extant pieces posed both a challenge and an opportunity for the curators. It encouraged us to dig deeper and widen our research scope to curate an exhibition with an innovative curatorial narrative that recontextualizes the imperial ancestor portraits from different perspectives. As a result, this exhibition is not only a traditional painting exhibition that focuses on portraits, but also a multidisciplinary work in itself that presents combined portrait-related findings from different fields. We present this to the public as a form of tribute—to history and to these imperial figures and court painters who make what we do meaningful.

Fig. 10 A frame from the multimedia exhibit ‘The Hall of Imperial Longevity: Venerating Ancestor Portraits on Lunar New Year’s Day’ 
(Provided by Sarah Kenderdine, Jeffrey Shaw, and Victor Wong and vfxNova digital productions Ltd, after images from the Palace Museum and measured drawings by the School of Architecture, Tianjin University)

Translations of quotations by Li An Tan

Yang Xu is Associate Curator and the co-curator of this exhibition at the Hong Kong Palace Museum.
Li An Tan is Assistant Curator and the co-curator of this exhibition at the Hong Kong Palace Museum.
Lyu Zhichao is Conservator at the Hong Kong Palace Museum.

Selected bibliography

Kungang et al., eds, Qinding da Qing huidian shili: Guangxu chao, Beijing, 1899.

Li Shi, ‘Qing yiming “Xiaomu huanghou chaofuxiang” yu Shouhuang dian yurong’, Gugong bowuyuan yuankan no. 1 (2017): 38–50.

Nie Chongzheng, ‘Qingdai gongting huihua gaoben shukao’, Gugong bowuyuan yuankan no. 3 (2004): 75–91.

Jan Stuart and Evelyn S. Rawski, Worshiping the Ancestors: Chinese Commemorative Portraits, Washington, DC, 2001.

Daisy Yiyou Wang, ‘Deciphering Portraits of Qing Empresses’, in Daisy Yiyou Wang and Jan Stuart, eds, Empresses of China’s Forbidden City, 1644–1912, Salem, MA, and Washington, DC, 2018, pp. 88–109.

Weng Tonghe [1830–1904], Weng Tonghe riji, Shanghai, 2012.

Xu Jin, ‘Qingdai huangdi yurong anfeng zhidu tanxi’, Gugong xuekan 14, no. 2 (2015): 192–220.

Yunlu, Jiang Pu, et al., eds, Huangchao liqi tushi, Beijing, 1759.

Zhang Qiong, ‘Guanyu Qingdai dihou chaofu yu chaofuxiang de jidian kanfa’, Gugong bowuyuan yuankan no. 3 (2004): 60–74.

Zhou Yuehuang, Zhang Fengwu, and Song Kai, ‘Jingshan Shouhuang dian lishi yange ji yingshan kao’, Gugong bowuyuan yuankan no. 10 (2020): 96–111.

This article first featured in our September/ October 2022 print issue. To read more, purchase the full issue here.

To read more of our online content, return to our Home page.